Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s latest bid to reshape Somalia’s political architecture has collided head-on with a determined opposition front, plunging the country into yet another defining moment in its long and fragile transition.
Over the last 48 hours, negotiations at Villa Somalia between the Federal Government and the opposition-aligned “Future Council” ended without agreement, deepening uncertainty over the country’s constitutional direction and electoral roadmap. What was expected to be a breakthrough dialogue instead closed in stalemate, with both sides emerging more entrenched in their positions.
The failed talks, followed by urgent diplomatic statements from international partners, now place Somalia at a crossroads once again balancing between reform and rupture, central authority and federal consensus, ambition and pragmatism.
A Dialogue That Began With Hope, and Ended in Deadlock
The first round of talks between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and leaders of the Future Council began under cautious optimism. The council which includes key federal member state leaders such as Ahmed Mohamed Islam (Ahmed Madoobe) and figures aligned with Said Abdullahi Deni entered Villa Somalia seeking clarity on three core issues: the electoral model, constitutional amendments, and delayed state elections.
The atmosphere during the initial meeting was described by insiders as “serious but restrained.” Both camps acknowledged the urgency of resolving disputes before the president’s remaining term narrows further. Yet beneath the diplomatic language lay fundamental disagreements about the future of Somalia’s governance model.
The second round of negotiations, held after hours of private consultations and shuttle discussions, proved more contentious. By Sunday evening, it became evident that no consensus would be reached.
The sticking points were unmistakable:
The president’s push for a shift to universal suffrage “one person, one vote.”
Opposition resistance to what they view as unilateral constitutional changes.
Disputes over the legitimacy and timing of elections in federal member states whose mandates have expired.
Concerns over centralization of power.
When talks formally collapsed, Jubbaland President Ahmed Madoobe departed Mogadishu for Kismayo. The Future Council announced that discussions had “ended without results,” reaffirming that the 2012 Provisional Constitution remains the legal foundation of the state and cannot be altered without broad-based consensus.
Behind the formal statements was a deeper anxiety, whether Somalia’s fragile federal compact is entering its most serious test since 2012.
The collapse did not go unnoticed. The United Nations voiced concern and urged both sides to resume dialogue in good faith, reaffirming support for Somali-led solutions.
The U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu publicly intervened, encouraging leaders to pursue compromise. In a statement, the embassy emphasized that unity in the Somali political process is essential for counterterrorism efforts, governance reform, and international cooperation.
European partners long involved in supporting Somalia’s political stabilization, security reform, and state-building also conveyed concern over escalating tensions. The European Union has historically tied financial assistance and institutional support to inclusive political processes. Behind diplomatic language lies a clear reality: Somalia’s political fragmentation directly affects donor confidence and long-term state-building projects.
For international stakeholders, the stakes are not only about elections. They are about preventing institutional collapse, safeguarding security gains against Al-Shabaab, and preserving the federal framework painstakingly constructed over the past decade.
Yet Somalia’s political trajectory has never been determined solely by external voices. International pressure can nudge, but it cannot substitute internal political consensus.
The Core Dispute: One Person, One Vote, Historical Precedent and What Comes Next
At the center of the crisis lies a fundamental question: How should Somalis choose their leaders?
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s position is bold and historic. He is advocating for a transition from the indirect, clan-based electoral model toward universal suffrage one person, one vote (OPOV). In Mogadishu, pilot initiatives for direct local elections have already been attempted, signaling the administration’s commitment to this shift.
From the president’s perspective, this is not merely an electoral adjustment. It is a generational reform the completion of Somalia’s transition from elite-driven clan conferences to direct democratic participation.
Supporters argue:
Universal suffrage enhances legitimacy.
It reduces the dominance of clan elders in selecting MPs.
It strengthens accountability between voters and representatives.
It aligns Somalia with global democratic norms.
But the opposition sees risks where the president sees reform.
The Future Council argues that:
Somalia lacks the security infrastructure to conduct nationwide direct elections.
Time constraints make implementation unrealistic.
Sudden shifts could destabilize federal power-sharing arrangements.
Constitutional amendments appear rushed and insufficiently consultative.
The council insists the 2012 Provisional Constitution remains binding and that amendments require inclusive national agreement not executive-driven restructuring.
This is not merely procedural disagreement. It is a struggle over the distribution of power within Somalia’s federal system.
The president frames the issue as democratization.
The opposition frames it as centralization.
Somalia’s political history since 2000 has been shaped by negotiated settlements.
The Arta Conference (2000), the Mbagathi process (2004), the 2012 federal transition, and the 2021–2022 electoral crisis all ended only after prolonged negotiations often facilitated or pressured by international partners, including European actors.
In 2021, disputes over the electoral process between former President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo and opposition leaders escalated into armed confrontations in Mogadishu. That crisis required intense diplomatic engagement from the African Union, the European Union, and the United States before compromise was reached.
Somalia’s political system has consistently relied on consensus-building rather than majoritarian imposition. Every major constitutional or electoral shift has emerged through extended bargaining.
This historical pattern raises a crucial question: Can one person, one vote be implemented without the kind of national conference that originally birthed the federal system?
If past precedent holds, international mediation may intensify if domestic negotiations remain stalled.
Beyond electoral mechanics lies a deeper structural contest.
Federal member states like Puntland and Jubbaland view federalism as a safeguard against centralized dominance. Any perceived attempt to restructure the constitution without their consent triggers political resistance rooted in historical distrust.
The president, however, faces a narrowing political calendar. With less than three months left in his term, he is under pressure to define his legacy. A successful transition toward universal suffrage would mark a historic milestone in Somali politics.
Failure, on the other hand, could cement another cycle of transitional uncertainty.
There is also the security dimension. Al-Shabaab remains active. A fractured political elite weakens national coordination against insurgency. International partners repeatedly warn that political unity strengthens counterterrorism efforts.
The economic implications are equally serious. Donor-funded reforms, debt relief gains, and development programs depend heavily on political stability.
Several scenarios now emerge:
1. Talks Resume Under Domestic Pressure
Public and elite pressure could push both sides back to the negotiating table. Compromise models might include phased implementation of one person, one vote beginning with select regions before nationwide rollout.
2. International Mediation Intensifies
If stalemate persists, European and international actors may increase diplomatic engagement. Somalia’s previous crises suggest external facilitation often becomes necessary when domestic channels fail.
3. Parallel Political Processes Emerge
Federal member states could proceed with their own electoral timelines under existing constitutional arrangements, deepening fragmentation.
4. A Hybrid Electoral Formula
A negotiated middle ground might blend indirect mechanisms with expanded voter participation, buying time while building infrastructure for universal suffrage.
The debate over one person, one vote is not merely ideological. It is logistical.
To conduct nationwide direct elections, Somalia would require:
A credible voter registration system.
Secure polling infrastructure across all regions.
Agreement on electoral boundaries.
Independent electoral oversight accepted by all stakeholders.
Mogadishu’s pilot elections demonstrate possibility but scaling that model nationwide within months presents enormous technical challenges.
Yet delaying universal suffrage indefinitely risks perpetuating elite-controlled politics.
The real dilemma is sequencing, Should democratization wait for perfect conditions, or should reform drive institutional development?
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud appears to favor the latter.
The opposition fears the former could erode federal balance.
Somalia’s political story has always been one of negotiation. Power has rarely shifted through decisive unilateral moves; it has moved through dialogue, tension, and compromise.
The collapse of Villa Somalia’s talks is not the end of the story but it is a warning sign.
If negotiations resume in good faith, this moment could still become a transformative chapter toward genuine democratic participation.
If polarization deepens, Somalia risks entering another prolonged political standoff, diverting energy from security, economic reform, and institutional consolidation.
The question is not only whether Somalia will adopt one person, one vote.
The deeper question is whether Somalia’s leaders can agree on how to get there together.
For now, the doors at Villa Somalia have closed without agreement. But Somalia’s political future remains unwritten, suspended between reform and resistance, ambition and accommodation.
And as history has shown, in Somali politics, deadlock is rarely permanent but resolution is never automatic.

