Wajir Governor Ahmed Abdullahi’s tenure as chairperson of the Council of Governors (CoG) has come to an end, closing a significant chapter in Kenya’s devolved governance.
On Monday, 12 October 2026, Tharaka Nithi Governor Muthomi Njuki was elected to succeed him, with Bungoma Governor Kenneth Lusaka taking the deputy chairperson’s position.
Abdullahi’s departure follows two consecutive one-year terms, having first assumed the chairmanship in October 2024 and secured re-election in October 2025. His leadership placed a governor from Kenya’s Somali community at the forefront of one of the country’s most influential intergovernmental institutions, offering Wajir and the wider North Eastern region an important moment of national representation.
Yet the significance of his tenure cannot be measured by the historic nature of his appointment alone. It must also be assessed against the battles over county financing, the relationship between the national and county governments, administrative reforms that disrupted service delivery, and the broader question of whether the collective voice of Kenya’s 47 counties became more effective under his leadership.
For Abdullahi, the chairmanship represented the culmination of a political journey that began well before his elevation to the national stage. A trained accountant and Fellow Certified Public Accountant, he entered politics in 2007 and became Wajir governor following the 2013 General Election.
His first term coincided with the early years of devolution, when counties were expected to transform the delivery of public services after decades of centralised governance. His administration prioritised infrastructure, healthcare and water resource management, areas of particular importance in an arid county where access to water, health facilities and reliable roads has long shaped livelihoods.
Although he lost the governorship in 2017 to Mohamed Abdi Mohamud, Abdullahi returned to office in 2022, defeating his rivals and reclaiming the political position that would eventually propel him into national prominence. His subsequent election as CoG chairperson in October 2024 was therefore not simply an elevation of a sitting governor; it was a moment of political recognition for a leader who had experienced both electoral defeat and a return to power.
His place in the history of the Council of Governors deserves particular attention. Established under the Intergovernmental Relations Act of 2012, the council provides a platform through which the 47 governors coordinate their positions, consult one another and engage the national government on matters affecting devolution.
Previous chairpersons have included Isaac Ruto, Peter Munya, Josphat Nanok, Wycliffe Oparanya, Martin Wambora and Anne Waiguru. Abdullahi’s elevation placed a Somali leader from the North Eastern region at the head of this national institution, a development widely regarded as historic representation for a community whose political experience has been shaped by longstanding questions of marginalisation, development inequalities and inclusion in national decision-making. Yet representation alone cannot establish the success of a leader.
The more important question is whether his position enabled him to influence the national conversation on devolution, particularly for counties facing structural challenges such as unreliable water supplies, limited infrastructure, poverty and the high cost of delivering services across vast geographical areas.
One of the most consequential tests of his chairmanship emerged in 2025 over the national government’s rollout of the electronic government procurement system, commonly known as e-GP. Intended to modernise public procurement and strengthen transparency, accountability and oversight, the system became a source of serious disagreement between the National Treasury and county governments.
Abdullahi argued that the implementation had moved too quickly without adequate consultation, testing, staff training or sufficient preparation for possible technical failures. By September 2025, governors were warning that the system had disrupted their ability to transact, pay suppliers and implement budgets. Abdullahi described the situation as disastrous, arguing that counties were struggling to spend funds because of problems associated with the new system.
Reports at the time indicated that delayed payments affected contractors, fuel suppliers and providers of essential municipal services, while some county administrations faced difficulties meeting payroll obligations.
The governors’ response also revealed the limits of the chairperson’s authority. Although Abdullahi could coordinate opposition, articulate the counties’ concerns and help build a common position, he could not independently determine national procurement policy.
The dispute eventually reached the courts, and reporting in October 2025 indicated that a court order allowed counties to use either electronic or manual procurement. Abdullahi subsequently said counties had complied with the ruling and that services were proceeding more smoothly.
The episode demonstrated the value of the council as a collective bargaining institution, but it also exposed the confrontational nature of relations between the national government and counties when policy decisions are perceived to threaten devolved responsibilities. For Abdullahi, the outcome offered evidence that coordinated action could force a review of an implementation approach that governors considered unworkable.
However, it also raised a larger question about why such serious administrative difficulties were allowed to emerge before a satisfactory resolution was reached.
There was also an institutional reform agenda that extended beyond immediate funding disputes. During his second term, Abdullahi and the CoG leadership committed to strengthening the council’s strategic plan, establishing the Devolution Training Institute and advancing the full transfer and costing of devolved functions.
These priorities reflect an understanding that devolution cannot be sustained through political negotiation alone; it requires stronger technical capacity, institutional learning and clarity over which level of government is responsible for particular services. A training institute, if effectively established and resourced, could help county officials improve administration, financial management and service delivery.
Likewise, completing the costing and transfer of functions could help align responsibilities with the resources needed to perform them. However, these commitments should be distinguished from completed achievements. The announcement of a priority is not proof that it has been fully implemented, and the lasting value of Abdullahi’s leadership will depend partly on how much of this agenda progresses under his successors.
Ultimately, Ahmed Abdullahi leaves the Council of Governors with a record that combines historic representation, active defence of county interests and a reform agenda whose full results remain to be established. His chairmanship demonstrated that a governor from Wajir could lead a national institution and command a place in Kenya’s most consequential intergovernmental debates.
Yet history will offer a more demanding verdict than representation alone: whether the council became more effective, whether its negotiations delivered lasting improvements for counties and whether the promises made during his leadership translated into stronger public services. For Wajir, his tenure is a milestone; for Kenya’s devolved system, it is a reminder that leadership matters most when it turns constitutional principles into practical results.
The next chapter belongs to Njuki, but the unfinished business of devolution remains a shared responsibility of all 47 governors and the national government.